Tammy Bruce's Wednesday Morning Club Speech

DAVID: Good afternoon. I'm sorry to interrupt your conversations, but I -- we have to start the program if we're going to -- I always like to get people out on time. I know you are busy people. So we're going to talk over the lunch.

I'm also sorry I haven't been here in the last -- I think I missed the last two Wednesday Morning Clubs. I have been on the road. I often don't -- like if it's Tuesday, it must be South Dakota or something like that -- speaking on college campuses, which I do a lot of in the spring.

And I'm here to confirm what those of you who read the New York Times -- I think the Los Angeles Times also had a story on this. To confirm the fact that there's been a " change" [ph] on our college campuses which is very, very good news. It's true the faculties are still 90-95 percent Left Wing. It's still true that commencement speakers, since this is the graduation season, are 95 percent Left Wing.

But it's also true that -- I think it was the University of Southern Illinois -- the New York Time journalist who was the commencement speaker was booed off the stage.

AUDIENCE: Rockford, Rockford.

DAVID: Rockford, Illinois. In Rockford, Illinois for attacking the way. Actually for politicizing a commencement speech, which goes on all the time. I didn't check to see if Moomey Abdu Jamal[ph] has been a commencement speaker this year. He usually -- he usually is.

Things are -- are changing on the campuses. I -- you have a little pamphlet in front of you, which is kind of an odd thing for a luncheon like this. But I just wanted you to know what our organization is doing. We -- this is -- for me since I started out with the student movement in the -- 40 years ago or more -- this is kind of fun.

We are launching a -- or helping or encouraging a national coalition of student groups called Student For Academic Freedom. And if you -- if you read in that little pamphlet, you'll see. This is kind of the guidebook for the students -- that we're going to carry out the program that I've laid out in books like "The Art of Political War". This is to use the tactics of the Left against the oppression of the left on the campuses.

They have created a hostile learning environment for all student who don't agree with them. Professors have gotten way out of line. I can't remember, you know, if I spoke to you after I'd been to the University of Missouri.

But when I was in Missouri, I got off the plane and the students informed me they had a biology professor -- a biology professor who was offering academic -- extra academic credits to her students if they would come to protest my speech.

And I -- immediately I went directly from the airport with these students into the Chancellor's office to let them know what I thought of this. But we got the attention of the State Legislature. And I will say when I went in to speak, I got a standing ovation walking into the room from 500 students and some parents who had come.

The -- the campuses are in good shape in terms of the students. It's the faculties and the institutions that are in terrible -- in terrible shape. And one of the reasons that 95 percent of the professors -- well, one of the reasons that they're all Leftist is because there's a ruthless Black List enforced.

But another is that any student who isn't a Leftist is immediately discouraged because of the abuse that they take. When I was in South Dakota at Augustana [ph] University, which is a Catholic school in Sioux Falls, one of the students told me that he -- his own professor had called him a neo-fascist to his face because he -- he had invited Fox News commentator, Oliver North, to speak at the school.

And you can imagine what that does when a professor says that to you. And is in control of your grades and your -- your future. And our campaign is designed to rid the university of this plague.

I have -- I am working with the Potaki [ph] appointed of the Sumi [ph] system in New York -- which has 400,000 students and 69 colleges -- to make official university policy the academic Bill of Rights, which is at the end of this pamphlet which will allow people -- it will give them a mechanism to fight what's going on.

As you know, university presidents have one job -- their fund raisers. And conservatives have enormous power that they've never been able to leverage to change the situation on campuses. And this is -- this is what we're -- I've encouraged the students to go directly to the president of the university and the Chairman of the Education Committee and the State Legislature or the Chairman of the Development Board at the university.

I have -- anyway, I am very excited. I've already got fifteen chapter organizers in place. And I'll be reporting on this next fall.

I often worry or feel kind of lonely out there. I remember early in the 90's when I began. I began this about -- actually further back than -- than that -- maybe 15 years ago -- speaking to a conference of conservative student leaders.

And the organizers of it had asked me to give them advice on how to fight the Left. And forgive me for the political incorrectness of this -- of what I said. But I said -- I said recruit more Jews. And the reason is that we Jews are -- tend to be verbal. And again politically incorrect -- aggressive.

And taking the battle to the enemy camp and our Gentile friends tend to be much more polite in these circumstances. And I -- as I often say, I sometimes think as an ex-radical, I have been sent to Conservatives to teach them bad manners.

But it's very important in political battles. I mean, if you don't bother the President's of these universities and the administrations, they don't do anything. Nobody does anything in this world unless you make it important for them to do something.

And that's the way the Left has succeeded. It's mainly a kind of a buy-out. Of course, conservative students aren't going to occupy college buildings. And I hope they don't. But that's what the Left does. And then they get something for going away and leaving them alone.

Ironically, this -- actually this organization was the Intercollegiate Studies Institute. And actually it was a combined thing with the Young Americans Foundation. I periodically return to speak at these conferences.

And the -- the last time I spoke, the three sort of keynote -- and it's all tactical, you know, what do you -- what do you do if the three speakers turn out to be Jewish. Although these organizations are -- are predominantly, or have been predominantly Christian.

They say -- I often think I'm -- you know, it bothers me when I feel alone in this. But I constantly have to tell Conservatives don't use the term liberal to describe Leftists. They are Leftists.

Liberal ultimately has a nice ring to it. It's because its root is liberty. And one of the things that's gratifying is that our speaker today is someone who fearlessly uses the term Left to describe Leftists.

We have -- we have some guests here that I'd like to introduce who are part of this up-serge on college campuses, which is a tremendous sign for the future. And I want to thank Ed and Rachel Myers then for sponsoring this group of UCLA students.

[APPLAUSE]

It's true that one member of their group who can't be here today because he's researching Leftists on the Berkley campus up in Berkley -- at Stanford, I think -- where we sent him on his mission -- Andy [ph]. But they have devised a -- they had -- they made themselves notorious by having an affirmative action bake sale where if you were of the appropriate designated color, you could get the cookies cheaper.

And they were denounced for this by the Speaker of the Assembly in the state of California. And so they -- and I had absolutely no role in this except maybe they read FrontPage.

So instead of being intimidated, they held another bake sale. And this time, a student attacked them, calling them, you know, white racist MF's. And destroyed their cookies. And so they're -- they're taking this -- they are lodging a complaint.

And this -- this -- I didn't have an inspiration of the specific complaint. But Andy has worked with me in this -- this campaign. And he knows what I want -- what I want done. Anyway, they are going to charge them with a hate crime.

[APPLAUSE]

And what we want ultimately -- what we want ultimately is an official policy at UCLA and every other school in the country that people who are conservative, or people of differing viewpoints, will be respected on the college campuses. Anyway, why don't you guys stand up that -- the whole [??] of UCLA.

[APPLAUSE]

I'm not going to say too much about Tammy Bruce because you've all seen -- or those -- a lot of you were here the last time she spoke about her book, "The New Thought Police". And Tammy is a whirlwind force for liberation in this country from this oppressive Left Wing culture that the 60's left us.

In addition to using terms like Left and Left Elite to describe this ruling class in our universities and in our media in particular. She -- she's -- I mean, I feel so good reading Tammy's book. I hope that you all get this book because it is about the Left.

And it's -- in her book, a lot of things that I hadn't thought of or put my finger on this way. My favorite term from the book is the term she uses to describe Leftists or the Leftist Syndrome, which is "malignant narcissism". I had actually come up with this phrase.

It occurred to me that the Left -- the mantra of the Left -- is, you know, I want what I want when I want it, which is an old joke about five-year-olds. And that the Left is a kind of case of arrested development. But this -- this book is a very powerful book because it -- it is written out of Tammy's personal experience. And a traumatic one at that.

And she connects the personal and the political in the appropriate way. The Left connects the personal and political in that they want to control everything about you and re-make you. That's the wrong way. But to try to understand why people live to make trouble for other people, that's appropriate.

And this book -- it opens with a very powerful personal story. And then you -- as you go through -- as she goes through the culture that you know so well, she takes her personal experience with her in attempting to understand what's going on and why it's so dangerous.

Very, very powerful book. It's called "The Death Of Right And Wrong". And with that, thank you, Tammy. Tammy Bruce.

[APPLAUSE]

TAMMY: Thank you very much. And that chicken was delicious -- the two bites that I got. But do not hesitate to continue eating certainly.

First of all, I want to thank, of course, David Horowitz. And the Center for the Study of Popular Culture -- of which I -- most of you obviously, if not all of you, support as you should.

When my first book came out -- "The New Thought Police" -- the very first person to offer support, to bring me into some kind of structure where I could do more work, was David Horowitz. And it made the world of difference. It gave me an established footing which really, as you can imagine, I'm somewhat of a threat to people on the far Right and certainly I'm Satan to the far Left.

And so David's outreach and his example of being able to come from one thing and grow and change without it threatening our basic principles as progressive people, has made the rest of my work possible as well in my column every week. So I want to thank David with all my heart and this organization.

[APPLAUSE]

The -- the "Death Of Right And Wrong" I see very much as being a Part Two with "The New Thought Police" being Part One, which is now in paperback which is wonderful. "The New Thought Police", as we discussed and as I've written, was really about what the Left does and has done to keep people from talking about serious social issues, which is name calling -- racist, sexist and homophobe.

And, of course, it works because if it's too threatening, if there's too much of a price to pay to challenge your -- the dissent from the Left Wing status quo, we're just not going to say it because it just -- it's -- there's too much of a threat.

You could lose your job. You can't prove you're not a racist. You might lose your friends. The next step of that, of course, is if you're not talking about serious issues, we stop thinking about them because there's no point to think about them.

And it's not a conscious decision. It becomes sub-conscious. You just won't go to a certain point. For those of you in college, I have heard -- all of us actually -- there's points where you stop yourself from perhaps saying something in a classroom.

Because you're not quite sure, even about yourself, is this racist? Will it be perceived as racist? So you just don't go there. And the discussion don't happen. Of course then, you stop -- when you don't think about something, you stop coming to judgment about it.

And that's the heart of "The Death Of Right And Wrong". I contend through my experience and the natural, logical conclusion of what's happening to us is when we look at the condition of our culture. And it really is a cultural civil war right now.

Make no -- no mistake that there is an agenda that tells individuals that if you come -- that judgment itself as a concept is bad. That -- that the multiculturalism we have, people's different life experiences, especially the protected special interest groups of -- of gay people, of Blacks, of women -- are just -- our lives are just too complicated.

That you can't judge us because you just don't know. And what happens is is that everyone retreats. And for -- for me, being a pro-choice lesbian feminist, I've benefited from not having anyone complain about what I've been doing. It does -- it is like being a child, but being left home alone with everything.

It can be quite fun. And yet, there is no real boundary. And there's meant to not be any boundaries. And in this book, because the question I received most often after writing "The New Thought Police" was -- was why. Why, as David has said, do people just want to make trouble for other people?

And it really does come down to a personal dynamic. And I think that's what separates out the Left from the Right. On the Left, you have individuals who have truly been victimized. Frankly, all of us have had some kind of negative experience in our lives.

Childhood difficulties, emotional abuse -- which was the heart of my childhood. A continual basis of emotional abuse. No physical abuse. In our young adulthood perhaps as women, we know about violence. About escaping violence from men. Rape issues, domestic violence.

As men, you live in a world that's violent as well. We all do. So to say that victim who doesn't exist isn't true. The difference is we have a section of American politics which reaches out to victims specifically and says we will make that experience -- we will make your victim-hood your power.

We will empower you through that negative experience. We will make how you are different your power. And we will -- we will make everyone love you. We will create that acceptance for you. We will give you control over your life again.

But, of course, the problem with that is that when victim-hood is your power, you can't escape it. When your victim-hood is your identity, you cannot leave it behind. Now I use the phrase -- I can't claim it entirely -- "malignant narcissism" is a political science term. A term primarily to describe people like Stalin and Hitler.

Individuals who are so egregiously damaging that -- I don't want to sound too dry here, but I think this is key. That with narcissism, it settles in in childhood. It comes when there is victim-hood or trauma. When there isn't enough attention or care. So you turn to yourself to give that attention and care.

Narcissism is not necessarily thinking you're great. It is about believing that everything that happens, happens because of you. It's believing -- or that it should happen because of you. That as an example, let's say you're Black and you're driving. And you're a narcissist. And someone scoots in front of you and takes that space.

And your identity is based in the victim-hood of being Black. That space is stolen because you're Black. They went -- they're out to get you. And they took that because of you. I still -- I deal with my narcissism every day. I manage it. Most of us do who are narcissistic.

That's the key is management because there's no cure either. And yet, to deal with trauma -- and this is one -- the most recognized canon in psychology. And it is -- it's called trauma and recovery. And it's recognized that -- and it's written by a feminist.

That once you've had a traumatic experience in your childhood or been victimized, the third stage of recovery is assimilating with the society of ordinary people again. Moving back into your life. But again, the Left can't allow that.

So they eliminate that important third stage. You remain in your victim-hood. Narcissism is your key to power because everything is about you. And when you can't make that third stage while the -- the desire to assimilate is still so strong.

We all want to belong. That if you can't assimilate with ordinary people in society, your goal becomes to make society look like you. Whether it is in your alienation, your isolation, your hopelessness, your victim-hood, your hate, your pain.

Everyone will feel that with you. So you see the Left's organizing into intellectual ghettos, into race ghettos, into sexual orientation ghettos. In my instance, a sexual preference, which of course is politically incorrect to say as well.

But the reality is is that they -- and I quote Mike Tyson in my book -- and turn off those cell phones. Who doesn't know you're at this meeting? We'll be like in a movie. No cell phones and beepers, please. I quote Mike Tyson because Mike Tyson being -- not certainly as polished as [??] or Jesse Jackson or Patricia Ireland -- said to a reporter after he said he wanted to kill the reporter's children -- was that I want you to feel my pain.

I feel pain all the time. And I want you to know what that is, so I'm going to make you feel it, too. That is the most honest statement -- and I believe a snapshot of what today's Left Wing Elite are doing. Now this is not a book about the average liberal, of which, even though you probably -- many of you identify as Conservative in this room.

I think a lot of you are classical Liberals as I am. Within a Jeffersonian sense and even a John F. Kennedy sense minus the interns, it is about -- it's about a political ideal. About not asking what your country can do for you, but what you can do for your country. That personal responsibility issue.

So for me in this book, it is not about the average gay person or feminist or Liberal -- of which I am all three. It's about a cadre of very few people who are running the special interest groups. And this is the issue. It's the most damaged rise to the top.

If your politics is based in a victim-hood and the power of -- of claiming everyone's involved in the victim-hood, of course you're going to get the most damaged rising to the top. I was on the fastest track when I was at my most narcissistic. My most determined, my most willing to compromise into a group think dynamic in NOW.

The biggest complaint came very early because I wasn't a team player. Of course, that was a sign of things to come. I never really was. But the reality is as long as I mouthed the right words and did the right thing, I was on my fast track.

As long as I felt that everything bad that would happen to me or anyone like me was about victim-hood. As long as I eliminated the idea of personal responsibility, I was on the fast track. That ended very quickly fortunately. But the -- the reality is that there are very few individuals who are at the top who have abandoned their own constituencies.

As an example, as a person whose life relies on sexual liberation, my life is probably very different than the majority of yours when I go home to the person I love. The difference is is that when children are sexualized in the name of sexual liberation, that harms me as a sexually free woman.

When it's done especially in the name of gay rights, that harms me as a lesbian. I refuse to have that done in my name. And that, in Chapter 7, is about the sexualization of children -- which all these roads interestingly you're going down -- when it comes to who's being sacrificed on the altar of these politics.

The reality is that the sexualization of children is moving through everything right from starting with kindergarten on up through the university level -- but primarily in -- in the elementary school level -- in the name a lot of the time of gay tolerance.

That -- there's a group called GLISTEN -- the Gay and Lesbian Straight Education Network -- which argues that its representatives need to go into kindergarten classes to teach about gay lives so that the five-year-olds will have tolerance for their gay classmates.

Now I don't ever want to meet a five-year-old gay kid. I just don't. I also don't want to meet a five-year-old heterosexual kid. I want to meet a kid. Okay? Now if we -- and I'm certainly not saying I'm perfect -- but if gay people who are leadership can't even stop their own self-obsession at -- at children, something is desperately wrong.

More wrong than any of you could have imagined. Many of you probably have no idea what is going on -- and they're being allowed in those kindergarten classes. Issues of what's bi-sexuality. What's trans-genderism? What is gay -- what is gayness?

You want -- try to remember back at five years old. I remember being thrilled because I'd taught myself how to tie my shoe. I remember walking with my Uncle Ed. My mother worked in retail and was very -- rarely around. But my Uncle Ed, whom I loved very much, brought me into my kindergarten class with Mrs. Kindred, who is still a tremendous influence on me.

And I looked up and my name was on a star with all the other little kids' names on a star. You know, little labels so you can get to know everyone. And I looked at the star and there was my name. And I looked at Uncle Ed and I said -- with just the mentality of a five-year-old -- and I said "Uncle Ed, how did they know I was coming"?

Now, just -- we sometimes forget about the fact that we're simply blank slates. We really are blank slates. And the goal, though, of some of these Elite, particularly in the gay community, moves into the "malignant narcissism".

That, in fact, because their world -- and this is almost without exception -- the gay men I've known, their first experience, their first homosexual experience was at the hands -- was as a minor at the hands of an adult.

That is considered a right of passage in the gay community. It is embraced as something that is good -- almost like the Stockholm Syndrome -- where you must reverse something in your mind that is traumatic and awful in order to live with the consequences.

And, as a result, if you're going to -- what narcissists do and -- and those who are damaged do who are in power -- projecting who they are onto society to make you look like them. If your world is one of sexual compulsion, if your world began and your power is based in that right of passage, then you believe everyone else should have that experience as well.

And what it will do if children are acting out sexually and other adults are molesting children or having sex with them -- which is as impossible as sex with rape -- it doesn't exist -- then you become normal again, don't you? If that's the norm, you're normal again.

And that's all of our drive. But when you're damaged and the drive is to become normal, everything else must be damaged as well. So you've got that moving through. Now, it's not just based in some fringe groups. There's a group called The Sexuality Education and Information Committee For The U.S.

It is funded by the CDC. It is the primary dispenser of sexuality education in schools. Now it's not sex education. It's sexuality education, which is very different. And parents don't realize that this is what is being moved through our public schools in this nation.

I'll give you -- and some of this is a little graphic -- but this is what five-year-olds are hearing. So I'm going to give you a sense of what this is. The developmental messages approved for five-year-olds. Both girls and boys have body parts that feel good when touched.

Now I'm sure David Westerfield loved perhaps little Danielle getting that message. Makes it easier for a man like that to have access, doesn't it? Again for five years old. Once again, bodies feel good when touched.

Bodies -- a secondary message to that bodies can feel good when touched -- touching and rubbing one's own genitals to feel good is called masturbation. That should be done in private. Five-year-olds.

For the nine-year-old -- now there is a new study just released two weeks ago where these -- the pregnancies of something like between ten and twelve-year-olds are skyrocketing. And parents don't know why. They're scratching their heads.

Even Bill O'Reilly's scratching his head, saying it's parental -- parents aren't doing enough of a good job. Here's what's being taught to nine-year-olds in elementary school. Sexual intercourse provides pleasure. Homosexual and bi-sexual people are often mistreated. All people are sexual beings.

Human beings have a natural physical response to sexual stimulation. Now, Danielle Van Dam I believe was ten. Little Samantha Runion, who was killed in that spate of sexual molestations and murders, was -- was five or six.

These are messages telling the five to ten-year-old crowd that all of that's fine. Your body feels good when touched. It's -- it's natural. Planned parenthood has an element on its side called Teenwire.com, which explains at one point that it's natural to have a sexual curiosity about a family member.

So when six-year-old little Sally might have twenty-one year old Uncle Bobby coming over and touching her where he shouldn't, she's been told that it's natural to have sexual curiosity about a family member.

Now, remember this is again not in some dark room in a dungeon somewhere with some Left Wing freaks. This is in the public schools. This is -- it's -- it is the death of right and wrong. And that's the heart of what this is. This is not about Left or Right or gay or straight.

It's not about race issues. They're trying to make it such though. They're trying to make it about gay pride. It's also about for me as a feminist, when NOW supported Andrea Yates as an example. The murderer, of course, of her five children in Texas.

A mass murderer of children. When they say that women who kill their children deserve special dispensation because motherhood is -- is so difficult, that was the message of that. That harms me as a feminist. Now, at the same time when that was going on -- obviously brevity is not my strength.

What -- it's -- how much time do I have? Should I keep going? Is that all right? Because you don't even have dessert yet, do you? Save one for me.

During the time -- and this is what's important that I do in the book -- because our lives are busy and we see these pieces coming in and out. When NOW is supporting Andrea Yates -- and you saw constantly Patricia Ireland on there. They're talking about post-partem depression. Okay?

Anna Quinlan [ph] in Newsweek wrote a column about the cult of motherhood. You know, that you people don't know how difficult motherhood is. And it's -- it's a miracle more women aren't killing their children. All right?

Now, keep in mind -- during that time within that same year, prior to her conviction -- with all this stuff about you've -- you've got to give women a second -- you've got to give them a free pass because we can't blame them for killing.

A woman named Gloria Berger [ph] stabbed her two-month-old toddler seventeen times with a butcher knife. She'd left her husband. She was found by the police wandering bloody in the street. Took them back to the condo where what was left of -- of the toddler's body was found.

She went to court. Again, constant drum beat via the Andrea Yates case during this time. And the judge dismissed the case. She confessed. It was clear she had murdered the baby. But she'd claimed she had Addison's Disease and couldn't be held responsible.

Now Addison's Disease is what President Kennedy had. It causes some depression. And it makes you crave salty foods and gives you some muscle aches. But she went in. And I am convinced. There is no other way to explain this. That judge and any jury in every town in this nation had been barraged by a Left Wing Elite.

A very few people saying women who do this should be understood and forgiven. There is no right or wrong in this case. You don't understand. You don't go through this experience. So little Joey, who knows what that experience must have been like, old enough to comprehend.

I remember elements at two years old. His mother is not even on probation. Walked out. Walked out. And the problem is it's not as though somehow, you know, all of us are affected by this.

But when you get a constant drum beat and you see it in media. And you see people who -- organization you've respected in the past -- say that this is the way it should be. These are the -- the repercussions. It's not just limited to Andrea Yates.

Yes, she was convicted. Oh, that's good. She didn't get the death penalty. But that's good. I'm not talking about even the -- the techniques -- the subject of the technique. It is the fallout of cases you then don't hear about. You probably didn't know that little Joey got no justice.

And I am convinced it is because of the rhetoric that was moving at -- at the same time that that case came in front of him. The same dynamic with -- David mentioned Moomey Abdu Jamal and Blacks in this nation. The condemnation of Black people through the dynamic of rap music, as an example.

It reinforces hopelessness, drug abuse, glamorizes murder, glamorizes domestic violence and particularly harming women. There's a study that shows in the '80's prior to the advent of hip-hop and gangsta rap, young Black kids were actually getting on a par with school scores of -- of their White counterparts.

As soon as we saw that dynamic hitting culturally, grades plunged back down into the vortex of hopelessness. At the same time, there's a story I tell -- one of the first stories is about the murder of a -- of a man named John Levin. The son of Gerald Levin, the head of, at the time, AOL-Time/Warner.

And he didn't -- he went out of the corporate world. He went to teach school in Brooklyn to poor Black kids. The really -- the inner city where no one wants to go. And that's where John went. He -- without getting into all the details -- he was murdered and tortured to death by one of his students for his ATM card, where they got $800.

And he was -- his throat was cut. He was stabbed numerous times. And he was held hostage. His body was found days later. And the two men who were -- whose fingerprints were found. They had left a voicemail on a message machine to get into the apartment. Pictures were found at the ATM of them getting the money.

The student who used his influence because John liked to mentor a number of his students. This is one of those kids -- found not guilty by a jury because they said he looked wasted in the interrogation pictures. And there was a 30 page confession as well.

Not, you know, not even found guilty of manslaughter. He was -- he was acquitted. The part of what I contend in this book is the message to young men like that through a case like Moomey Abdu Jamal, who is a murderer of a police officer named Daniel Faulkner in Philadelphia in 1981, I believe -- has become the Left's ideal man.

He was found shot next to Danny Faulkner's body. His gun was empty. He was shot in the back. Three witnesses placed this man standing over Officer Faulkner pumping five bullets into his head and into his groin. Screaming at the hospital that he hoped his victim would die.

He threatened the judge with death when he was sentenced. And yet, he is lionized. There is the "Free Moomey Movement". He does give college commencement speeches by telephone. He, at one point, had an NPR radio deal until there was enough outrage to where they canceled him.

Here is a man whose death sentence has recently been overturned because of all this rhetoric. The -- the conviction wasn't. But now Danny Faulkner's family has to go through once again another trial, living with this if they try to re-insert the death penalty. Or, if not, it means he'll be eligible for parole at some point. And then you have to keep going back for parole hearings.

I contend that these two boys who grew up who killed John Levin grew up in a milieu of support for Moomey Abdu Jamal. Over the last twenty years, the drum beat of support for men who kill. That -- it says also that if you are Black and kill, also no one has the right to judge you because there's a striking out against victim-hood and racism and slavery.

And that there has to be special dispensation for those men as well. And what does that do to the Black community? It condemns them further into hopelessness. What -- what does that have to do with -- with progress?

As a gay woman, I can tell you that through the gay community, to suggest that -- really, there's no reason why AIDS is the major health crisis it is in this nation. There's no reason for that. That is a disease which could be cured overnight if certain practices were stopped. It's that simple.

Now, of course, there are innocent victims. Blood transfusions and children. But then there are those in this world -- you know, twenty years ago -- you know, I'm an AIDS activist as well. I've spent plenty a night in rather unpleasant smelling holding cells, working to get more money for research specifically because we're tired of going to funerals.

And now what happens, in 2003, there's the Bareback Movement, which is lauded and supported in the community. Which, of course, is sex without condoms. Bath houses are re-opening. Young gay men, because now AIDS is considered just a chronically managed disease, seek out the AIDS virus because then, at least that way, you can have unprotected sex again.

So as we keep throwing billions and billions of dollars to find a cure, it hasn't stopped it at all. You still die a horrible, horrible death. But the gay community -- within -- gay men specifically -- and certainly not all of them, but a subset, the Elite in particular -- have glamorized that dynamic.

And is a world so ensconced in sexual addiction and compulsion. It doesn't matter. So all my work to try to stop the death of young men -- not only it didn't help. But it created an environment which now men are going out to get it.

And it's not just, as we know, staying within the gay male community. Bi-sexual men having relationships coming back infecting women. That's how women are being infected. And for me as a gay woman, I am ashamed and appalled and angered at the continuation of that disease.

As our government -- and I say in my book -- one thing we should demand when it comes to funding for the gay community in particular, is to show a decrease in the AIDS cases in that community. If education -- if we know what causes this disease and it doesn't matter, then what are we throwing money at?

What are we throwing money at? I'm tired of paying for that. And gay men know exactly how they can stop that disease. I -- and when I finally see the gay male community moving in -- march step with the gay women and others who are marching in AIDS right -- in AIDS Walks and stuff -- moving into breast cancer marches, then we can talk about fairness in that community.

It doesn't exist. Now these are things I can say because I'm politically alone. I don't have to worry about being accepted. The biggest threat -- and what keeps the gay community and the feminist community silent -- is the threat that -- that if you say these things, you will be shunned.

And especially for those of us who have been looking for family -- and I still have to be very careful to not look at this room as family. To not look at another organization as family. Because that's then where -- for those of us who have been damaged or have been rejected from our biological family -- we do look to belong.

And so the biggest threat within the gay community is if you challenge this, you will be shunned. I hear from 150 to 200 people a day -- many of them gays and lesbians -- saying thank you. Because we are all as appalled at what is being done in our name as you are.

Feminists are appalled at the support for Andrea Yates feminists and pro-choicers who are appalled at NOW's characterization of Lacy Peterson's baby as an "it". Now, that -- talk about the death of right and wrong.

When the humanity on an issue like abortion -- and I believe in the right of a woman to terminate an unwanted pregnancy. That was not Lacy Peterson's choice. I was born at eight months as well.

To not be able to recognize the nuances in pregnancy and what other women want who are not Leftist who might want children and marriage and families -- who live a very different life than I live -- deserve as much advocacy, if not more.

Because you're swimming uphill at this point. My next book is going -- is called "For The Radical Individual". Who is the real radical individual these days? Not me by my existence. It's easy for me. It's for everyone in this room who, in this structure, that tells you you have to be something very different than you are.

But you still worry about this nation and want to make changes despite the names you've been called. That you, in your normality, are now being ostracized as being the person who's out of step. That's the real radical individual, isn't it?

It's no longer what is this? I'm a pro-choice lesbian feminist. That's like, you know, the most normal thing in -- in the world in this culture now, isn't it? Come on. I mean, it doesn't -- it's not -- it doesn't take a lot to wake up and be radical for me. I just have to breathe, I guess.

But that's absurd because I'm not the radical. It's -- it's -- I don't have to do anything to do what I do. You coming to this room and, despite the risks of the positions you take from what our culture -- and our culture is controlled by the Left.

To be pro-choice but to question late-term abortion. To be a feminist and to question the issue about how the feminist establishment's condemning motherhood. That's the radical individual.

To challenge a structure that all of us as classical Liberals want, which is tolerance and compassion. And to recognize that those ideas have been hijacked by people who want nothing good for you and who do want your children, by the way.

And that's the key -- is that if -- if we, as a silent majority within a framework of the middle -- that radical, moderate area -- can say I'm not -- I'm feminist or I'm a classical Liberal and -- and I am tolerant and compassionate.

And part of my toleration and compassion means I'm not going to sit silently by as more gay men kill themselves. Or as my children are molested by people who have hijacked that label of compassion and tolerance. That I know that that harms gay people.

It harms feminists. It harms women. That those things have been hijacked by a contingent of "malignant narcissists" who want and desire to do you damage like Mike Tyson does. They want you to feel that damaged pain.

And they're very -- they've been very successful so far. So for -- and I guess I'll close -- and are we taking questions as well? Okay. David's nodding yes.

I'll close by encouraging you -- and -- and this is the difficulty. I was told by my friends not even to use the word morality in this book because it was too loaded.

For you to recognize that, in fact, what you've been told should be the cultural norm, is not. It is -- it is being wrapped up in the agenda's that you care about which is, as perhaps Conservatives or classical Liberals, compassion and tolerance and freedom and individual liberty.

Those ideals have been hijacked by people who want to -- without being too over-dramatic here -- it's true -- who want to destroy the way that you live your life. And destroy any hope that there is for the future.

That's why you've got Robert Scheer talking about the fake Jessica Lynch saving in Iraq. They can't have there be hope or pride in the commonality that we have as Americans. There has to be a rejection and a disillusionment and an alienation.

They can't have you thinking that -- oh, I've got something in common with Tammy as an American. No, they have to have you set off as -- as this freakish thing over there -- as the regular kind of person who doesn't belong in their subset.

The reality is who you are and the way you live your life and your ideas of compassion and tolerance is the American Dream. And that they should not set the agenda for you.

And that believing other than what you've been told by the gay, feminists and Black Elite in this country -- that you can reject those ideas and still maintain your classical Liberalism. And, in fact, it's required.

Sacrificing children and women, gay men and young Black people on some altar of politics is not about compassion. Saying no to these things is the real tolerant compassion dynamic.

And recognizing the Left for who they are is the beginning to do that. So that's -- that's the book in a nutshell. Thank you.

[APPLAUSE]

DAVID: Thank you. Questions. Yes, sir.

QUESTION: I heard you the last time. I heard you this time. You're fabulous. I have a question. I want your opinion on something. Here we are, a conservative group of generally women -- we're supposed to be anti-gay, anti-lesbian, anti...

[TECHNICAL INTERRUPTION]

QUESTION: ...[UNINTELLIGIBLE] How come we're saddled with this reputation and yet we all [UNINTELLIGIBLE].

TAMMY: Well, that's -- that's where the radical individual comes in. Is that you've been told that by the media. You hear it drummed to you every moment, especially those of you who are in the entertainment industry who work within a framework where there is only one frame of thought.

Or in media of any sort. News media especially as well. You're told this. The strength comes in whether or not you believe it. That's the key. I was asked -- I was at Grover Nordquist's [ph] Wednesday meeting. I was part of the vast Right Wing Conspiracy Meeting, which of course now proves how vast it really is with -- with me there.

And everyone like that [ph] was like oh, yeah, wow. The reality is is that Grover [ph] says how can we stop the intimidation? Well, that's the key, isn't it? It -- you -- you know, the intimidation only exists if you're intimidated.

It must be received and accepted. So you've rejected the idea that that's the case. And the other thing -- now what you've really rejected is the Socialism and Marxism that's been masquerading as feminism. That's been masquerading as gay pride.

What is that? The pride? I'm proud to be an American. My sexuality -- I'm political, so it's public. But other than that, it's a private matter just like all of yours is. So what you've rejected -- rightly so -- is Marxism that's been masquerading as those dynamics.

What you don't reject -- and this is what's key to me -- is the ideal that brought forth those noble ideas that David and I have worked for about individual liberty and real freedom that now is called "neo-conservatism" or Conservatism in general.

So you -- you recognize it. The key is to not...

[TECHNICAL INTERRUPTION]

TAMMY: A lot of people do. And some of [UNINTELLIGIBLE] is that, especially at a young age, but all of us because we do want to be compassionate. We are beginning to believe that there might be a little Hitler in each one of us and maybe I am a homophobe.